Tag: FSB

Use of the so-called “soft force” by the Russian Federation poses serious threat to security of the Baltic States and contradicts their national interests. In particular, Russia frequently uses various methods of influence on Russian-speaking youth, with an eye to their further involvement in exercise of political power and possible support of pro-Kremlin policy in these states. To this end Russian security services engage the cultural centres such as, for example, “The Russian House” (regular designation of the centres promoting Russian culture abroad) and representative offices of the Rossotrudnichestvo which actually is a shield for intelligence activities and special operations abroad. Working under the shield is proven, highly convenient and, subsequently, extensively used form of engagement of Russian FSB and SVR staff abroad. Officers of these security services took fancy to the Rossotrudnichestvo in their activities as long as organisation is represented more than in 80 countries all around the world.

Gathering information about candidates for “exchange programs” is not only a legitimate part of official and lawful activity, but also highly convenient way of searching and recruiting agents. Thus, for example, school graduates, especially those of them, who have good recommendations from representatives of the pro-Russian organizations in the Baltic States, are proposed to get free higher education in Russia through the intermediary of Rossotrudnichestvo. Moscow also refunds excursions to Russia and stay in youth camps where students in addition to recreation may become acquainted with history of Russia, familiarize themselves with their political life, and study the basics of political strategies, public relations and military arts. Without a doubt, in the long run such camps set a goal to bring up generation of youth in the Baltic States which is loyal to Russia and developed system of values and ideology alien to their states.

Overload of Russian FSB and SVR representatives in Rossotrudnichestvo irritates even the officers of the ideological apparatus of the Russian Federation who are dissatisfied with a distortion of Rossotrudnichestvo’s activity for the benefit of security services. In this regard an interview with Tatyana Poloskova, the First Class State Councillor of Russia, professor of the Diplomatic Academy of the MFA of Russia, member of the Expert Advisory Board in Public and Humanitarian Programs at Rossotrudnichestvo, President of the interregional social movement Eurasian National Union, editor-in-chief of the Latin American editorial office of REGNUM informational agency, to Russian media (http://agentnews.ru/politika/rysskii-gambit-razvedki.html) has an indicative value. She is outraged by “congestion, above any reasonable limits, of FSB and SVR staff in foreign offices of Rossotrudnichestvo”. In her interview dedicated to issue of a new book “Triumph of Cattle” which is a sequel of her sensational “Cattle on Parquet” published in 2014, the author describes an internal situation in Rossotrudnichestvo in its true colours, putting it clear that her book affects interests of a good many. In particular, she discusses extremely unfavourable effects of the Russian security agencies’ intervention in Rossotrudnichestvo’s activity. According to Tatyana Polozkova, activity of security agencies and corruption in their ranks impede Rossotrudnichestvo in achieving goals and actually blocks primary activity of its representations abroad.

Here is an excerpt from her interview:

“Rep.: In your opinion, what will be the response to a release of your book expressing such rather radical ideas?

T.P.: I would not call them radical – rather, escalated. It is difficult to ascribe its authorship either to me personally, or to the whole group of authors working on the book. They have developed in public conscience long ago and break free. We simply expose to sound all the things that people are thinking about for a long time, in which they recognise immediately their reflections.

Along with it, our book will definitely touch upon the interests of a good many. In particular, we are going to bring up for discussion extremely unfavourable effects of Russian security services’ intervention in Rossotrudnichestvo’s activity.

Naturally, the mission of security services, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Rossotrudnichestvo are completely incompatible. Engagement of the security service officers in a number of Rossotrudnichestvo departments above any reasonable limits suppresses their primary activity. Security services secretly collect information and carry out special operations which is incompatible with free consolidation of persons supporting rapprochement with Russia and with their vigorous activity.

Reporter: May you specify these departments?

T.P.: Yes, sure. Moreover, basically that is the main reason why I agreed to give an interview to your edition, though not unhesitatingly. Such a decision was determined by the circumstances that information about preparation of our book appeared in the web and that seem quite strange for me.

Today the managerial influence of Rossotrudnichestvo, as well as MFA on the operation of key, high priority offices of the former is reduced in general to such an extent that it may be considered nominal. Among them there are Russian centres of science and culture in Vienna governed by Yuriy Zaytsev; in Budapest – governed by Valery Platonov; in Berlin – by Pavel Izvolsky; in Athens – by Alexander Homenko; in Madrid, where Mikhail Hodyakin was replaced recently by Eduard Sokolov; in Luxembourg – Vladimir Sokolov; in Warsaw – where Igor Proklov was replaced by Igor Zhukovskiy; in Prague – Andrey Konchakov, yet in deputy rank; in Kiev – Konstantin Vorobyov; in Ankara – where Enver Sheykhov replaced Natig Guliyev; embassy in Vilnius where Rossotrudnichestvo is represented by Matvei Dryukov. All these people had specific reputation which has nothing to do with assisting centres in operation. To cut a long story short, “everyone knows they are from FSB”. Naturally, nobody will try to prove it, though in receiving states this label is pinned on them inseparably.

The only fact that the government official of the Russian Federation of such a scale as Tatyana Polozkova who is distressed about blatant corruption and domination of security agencies in Rossotrudnichestvo system has to draw the attention of the authorities of the Baltic States to the activity of this organization. Perhaps it is a time to take decisive actions and put an end to this malignant growth of the ‘Russian world’ and a hotbed of the net of Russian agents in the Baltic.

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The attempted murder of former officer of Main Intelligence Directorate of Russia in Salisbury, UK, still causes a lot of questions. It is obvious that poisoning attack using military toxic agents, which injured UK citizens, will have long-live consequences for Russia. British officials made accent on the fact it was the first time chemical weapon has been used since World War II and their reaction was tough.

Russia still rejects all the accusations of its involvement in Skripal case. However, undiplomatic reply of Russian Foreign Ministry as well as the refusal to send British government the information about Soviet chemical weapon program “Novichok”, which was used to poison Skripal and his daughter are another evidence of Russian involvement in this case.

Russian intelligence agencies have carried out many operations of assassinations of Putin’s enemies abroad. The investigation of “polonium murder” of former FSB agent A.Litvinenko established that this assault was planned and done after direct Putin’s order. There are some reasonable doubts about the nature of “suicide” of Boris Berezovskiy, who was one of the most influent Putin’s opponents.

It is worth to mention that political assassination in the territory of sovereign countries has become the usual instrument for Russia to get rid of opponents. We have to admit that Russian origin of nerve agent used to kill S. Skripal was absolutely clearly identified according to statements of V. Mirzayanov, one of the authors of “Novichok” and Soviet chemical weapons in general.

The version of Russian media that attempted murder of Skripal was just the provocation against Russia ahead of the Presidential elections or just an attempt to dismiss Russia as host of the 2018 World Cup or the excuse for strengthening sanctions does not stand up to the criticism.

It is highly likely that attempt to kill Skripal had couple of aims. The first one was to show the political opposition in Russia and in other countries that any contradiction with Kremlin will be ended in similar way. The second aim was to show the world community that any strengthening of sanctions against Russia can provoke not only political respond, but also brutal terror attacks against these countries and their citizens.

Putin continues to aggravate international situation, trying to provoke world leaders, and Skripal case attests to this fact. It is high time to use another measures to stop Russian aggression and to prevent another attacks as we could see in Salisbury.

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Strange though it may seem, Russia, which quite recently has attempted to present itself as civilized state and furthermore pretends to be one of the international leaders, may be capable of blatant violations of international arrangements and provisions of international law (unlawful Crimea annexation), and may even neglect inconditional human right for freedom of speech and belief both on their territory and within grabbed Ukrainian Crimea. Though last century Russia abode horror of Stalin’s purges, it comes back to totalitarian regime today which persecutes people for political beliefs.

The brightest example is the fate of Crimean resident Vladimir Balukh. In 2014, after Crimea occupation, the life of an ordinary farmer has drastically changed. Overt condemnation of aggression by him and support of Ukraine got on nervous of the new authorities. Initially Vladimir Balukh refused flatly from changing the Ukrainian ID for the Russian one. Though Russia enshrined the criminal responsibility for declarations of Crimea as non-Russian territory at legislative level, Balukh claimed he disregarded present authorities and still considered Crimean peninsula Ukrainian. In support of his citizenship he hoisted the Ukrainian flag in front of his house and denied any request of the local authorities to remove it. Policemen repeatedly interviewed him and strongly encouraged the neighbours to suspend their relations with Balukh, in the face of becoming ‘politically unreliable’. Agents of the security services threatened Balukh with reprisals to force him to change his position or leave Crimea. He received a clear message that he would face a prison sentence in Crimea for his pro-Ukrainian position.

However, the Crimean was not broken down neither by convictions, nor by threats, therefore, the authorities have been seeking more and more causes for his arrest and accusation in nonexistent crimes. After the meeting of the speaker of the Crimean parliament with public where Vladimir Balukh attempted to put some questions to the official, the Ukrainian was arrested and a criminal case was initiated against him under Art. 19.3 of the Code of Administrative Violations of the Russian Federation for ‘disobedience to the legitimate order of the police officer’, followed by the 3-days arrest and a fine.

Since this measure produced no proper effect on Balukh, another, more serious accusation, was not long in coming: in theft (…of tractor repair parts) (Art. 157 of the Criminal Code of the Russian Federation). Balukh’s home was searched and policemen managed to remove the Ukrainian flag. However, his involvement into the theft of tractor repair parts was not proved. To this end, police intentionally paid a night visit. As Balukh expressed the investigator his resentment, the new proceeding under Art. 319 of the Criminal Code of the Russian Federation was initiated for the ‘offence against the public authority’, followed by the arrest for 40 days.

After a while, in December 2016, Balukh hanged on Ukrainian flag on his house over again and attached a sign with an inscription “Heroes of Divine Sotnia Street” (in commemoration of the heroes fell during the Dignity Revolution in 2014 in Kiev). Requirements of the authorities to remove the sign and the flag were met by a peremptory refusal. Therefore, on December 8, 2016 Vladimir Balukh was newly arrested on a contrived accusation in illegal keeping of weapon (Arts. 222-222.1 of the CC RF) and placed in Razdolnenskyi detention facility. Officers of the FSS (FSB) reported 90 cartridges and several trotyl block found in his house.

Balukh’s neighbours also share the opinion about contrivedness of the accusations and explosive planted in the Ukrainian’s house, as they have seen unknowns who entered it few hours prior to search. Actually, no fingerprints of the accused were detected on the cartridges and explosive.

In August, 2017 the court passed a sentence upon the Ukrainian activist – 3 years 7 months in standard regime penal colony and a fine amounting to RUB 10 thousand. After Balukh filed an appeal, the case was submitted to the new trial.

The guilt of Vladimir Balukh was not proved, however, he has spent a year in detention centre (SIZO), though attorneys insisted on arrest in quarters due to severe health deterioration of their client. Nevertheless the court refused in changing the measure of restraint even after Balukh was taken from the court room by the ambulance. Only on December 1, 2017 Razdolnenskiy district court changed the measure of restraint to arrest in quarters for 2 months.

However, on December 6, 2017 Ukrainian activist was brought a new charge. This time Russian security officials incriminated him ‘disorganization of operation of detention centres’ for asserted blow of the SIZO official in the cell during Balukh’s examination. Balukh’s case was submitted for the new trial. Prosecution claimed 5 years and 1 month of penal colony settlement for him with a money penalty amounting to RUB 20 thousand. The court satisfied it in part: on January 16, 2018 Razdolnenskiy district court convicted Ukrainian activist Vladimir Balukh to 3 years and 7 months of penal colony settlement and a money penalty amounting to RUB 10 thousand on a charge of ammunition storage.

In his final speech, Ukrainian activist stated that a case against him is framed up due to his political position, however, even such imposed sentence could not force him to love ‘the new Motherland’, as according to him, ‘living on the knees is far worse than dying standing upright.’

As long as such patriots, as Vladimir Balukh, live in Crimea, Russia has no chances to appropriate the stolen peninsula. Still there are a lot of them. Despite of the cruelest pressure, Balukh has not renounced Ukrainian citizenship and defends his principled civil position by all available peaceful means, making a clear statement that Crimea is a territory of Ukraine under international law. For many Crimeans Vladimir Balukh became an example of dignity, courage and dedication to his Motherland. That is why Russian authorities are afraid of and eliminate them.

Today Balukh’s home folks and civil activists help his old mother, raise funds for penalty payment and fight for his release.

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