Today’s EU is far from its former unity: we are increasingly confronted by those opposing the idea of an “open society,” but who are ready to live in a confederation format, where a certain state will play the major role rather than the Union. And it was not Brexit that gave rise to such appeals – it was the ascent of autocratic leaders across Eastern Europe.

The most striking example is Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orbán – someone who once so actively fought against the Soviet past, suddenly become an actual advocate of the Soviet-style present.

Hence, the harassment of mass media, neglect of independent judiciary, high profile corruption, with Orbán increasingly resembling Vladimir Putin, or more precisely, becoming Putin’s even smaller copy. Therefore, there is no surprise that someone, who back in 2009 so zealously fought with the Russian gas monopoly and resisted the seizure of Hungary’s chemical facilities, just handed over to Russia the country’s entire nuclear industry. Moreover, now he is demanding that Brussels not prevent Russian gas flows through the southern pipe to Central Europe.

At the same time, the Hungarian conservative, together with the Italian populists and the Czech opportunists, keep insisting on the need to lift sanctions imposed against Russia in connection with the Ukraine conflict.

Let’s ask ourselves a question: can we lift sanctions today, allowing Russia to pursue its aggressive policy in Ukraine? However cynical it may sound, it’s no. We can’t. That’s because in this case, we run the risk of facing a powerful adversary, willing to restore their former Soviet influence.

Ukraine again – however cynical it may sound – remains a kind of an outpost against Russian destructive policies and aggression threatening all civilized Western democracies. Everyone seems to understand this, except for Viktor Orbán.

The head of the Hungarian government is not just trying to play along with Putin in his campaign to weaken the EU. He also intends to take part in dismembering other countries, to make many Hungarians’ dream come true, that is, to reunite all the lands that Budapest claims were illegally snatched from Hungary with the Treaty of Trianon signing. Now we see that Orbán is set to start with the Ukrainian Zakarpattia.

Hungary has long been working out the idea to return territories the country has lost throughout history. Judging by the outcome of the latest parliamentary elections, most Hungarians support the project. It’s us, Europeans, who are partly to blame: for the past 15 years, the EU has done nothing to change the ideology in Hungary; we failed to convince both the local government and the people there of the advantages of globalization and open society. It turns out, not everything rests on the economy, market relations, and democratic values.

Hungary aggressively protects their interests in Serbia, where it formed a broad territorial and full-fledged national-cultural autonomy in Vojvodina; Slovakia, where Budapest currently avoids unnecessary confrontation trying to enlist Bratislava’s support in his confrontation with Brussels and Romania, where the main goal is to regain Transylvania (Szekely Land).

Why did the Hungarian Prime Minister choose Ukraine and its western lands (Transcarpathia) as his main target? It is because the Crimea annexation happened. Whether anyone likes it or not, Russian seizure of the Ukrainian peninsula has set a precedent. Anyone today could take advantage of it – both at the borders and in the heart of Europe. This is also about a major prevalence of Hungarian communities living in several areas of the Transcarpathian region. An important note: it is only a few areas within a particular region. And, of course, these communities’ financial dependence on Budapest is on the table.

Nevertheless, let’s take a look at the real numbers. Of 1.2m people living in the Ukrainian region bordering Hungary just over 150,000 are Hungarians. This is not the majority seen in the Serbian province of Vojvodina – on the contrary, it is a clear minority. Does this mean that Ukraine must protect the rights of any ethnic group, including the Hungarians? It definitely does. However, this in no way means that Kyiv should put the interests of any minority above the law.

The conflict between Budapest and Kyiv began in 2017, after the Ukrainian parliament passed a law on education. The new legislation has seen enough criticism and support at the same time, while the Venice Commission found no violations in its text concerning the infringement of national minorities rights.

Indeed, the law defends the Ukrainian language, making it the main language of instruction at schools. Starting from middle classes, all schools are obliged to teach in Ukrainian, while some classes can be taught in the languages of EU states (one of which is Hungary, I must recall).

The Orbán government responded to these initiatives with an ultimatum, blocking the highest-level meetings of the NATO-Ukraine Commission, turning them down to the level of ambassadors, while Hungarian foreign minister Peter Szijjarto threatens to block Ukraine’s EU integration process under the Association deal. At the same time, Hungary allocates millions of euros to support pro-Hungary political movements in Transcarpathia that is, brazenly interfering in the neighboring state’s internal affairs – something Szijjarto does not mention in his statements on Ukraine.

Budapest also funds Hungarian organizations abroad through charities, organizes seminars and round tables, attracting the youths. Through the Robert Schumann Institute in Budapest, Hungarians also fund experience exchange programs for young Ukrainians living in the bordering region. In fact, this is about training young politicians who will one day become part of local governments and promote Hungarian interests.

What is the most surprising here is that, while failing to secure any support in Brussels, Budapest found it in Moscow. Hungarian officials met with their Russian counterparts, to slam the Ukrainian language law. Moreover, Russia’s Deputy Foreign Minister Vladimir Titov agreed with Peter Szijjarto to jointly oppose Ukraine’s legislative moves and hinder its educational reform.

The saddest thing though is that this, and many other things, has being done under the cover of the EU. Yes, it is precisely their experience of integration into the EU that the Hungarian authorities use to cover up their meddling in another country, which is not even an EU state. A very simple question arises: would we really choose to be complicit in Viktor Orbán’s outright violations?

We must definitely avoid a conflict being created and escalated on the EU borders. However, it’s time for the European Union to look into the ways to fix the situation. We have seen a rather dangerous move by Hungary whose consul has been openly handing out passports to representatives of Hungarian minority living in Ukraine. The danger stems from the fact that in the Ukrainian territory, in contrast to a number of EU states, dual citizenship is officially banned.

Budapest, once so wary of Ukraine launching protectionist policies, has now become the very force pushing Kyiv toward the adoption of the new legislation— the new language bill, which had already passed its first reading in the Ukrainian parliament. Now Ukraine once again hears Hungarian officials voicing an ultimatum. This means that escalation is inevitable, with the next step of the Ukraine authorities possibly being passing changes to the law on citizenship.

It would be less complicated though if it were all about citizenship issues and Hungary’s will to boost population numbers. In fact, we are well aware that it’s not Hungarians who Viktor Orbán and his government believe are so important – it’s the lands that used to belong to Austria-Hungary and a revanchism-focused flirting with voters. Indeed, Orbán does need a cheaper labor force, but only those who always return home, to Western Ukraine. What he really craves for is a territory that will later seek to become part of the Great Hungary. This is the reason why the Hungarian government has also been campaigning among the Ukrainian nationals living in the bordering region.

Meanwhile, the situation could spin out of control, which is exactly what Moscow seeks to exploit. The Hungarian government recently approved a classified plan on Ukraine. It allows Budapest to deploy troops across the Ukrainian border without NATO’s consent in case an “emergency” arises.

Interestingly, a Hungarian intelligence agency recently received a number of specific instructions: to strengthen its operations not only in the Transcarpathian region, but also in Ukraine as a whole; and create conditions for economic and political expansion in areas where Hungarians reside. It has also been ordered to strengthen partnership cooperation with Russian intelligence.

At the same time, the Russian Wolf International Special Combat Training Center has been boosting its presence in Hungary. Its founder is a Russian national who has been put on the U.S. sanctions list. Most importantly, the organization has already opened a real network of cells.

This is happening amid Hungary’s efforts to boost the total number of military reservists. Hungarian defense minister István Simicskó this August announced the need for 20,000 reservists to join the already 30,000-strong army. And this is despite the fact that last year the Hungarian army started the practice of signing up Hungarians living beyond the country’s borders, most of them, residents of Ukraine.

Now let me ask you the most important question that we all will soon face. What shall we do if a conflict breaks out on the Hungarian-Ukrainian border? What about the EU and NATO treaties? After all, we are now talking about the destructive actions of a NATO ally and an EU member state which maintains political and economic ties with Russia, in relation to a non-EU and non-NATO state which at the same time has been actively repelling the Kremlin’s aggression in close proximity to our eastern borders. So what do you think? Could an outside player be able to provoke a conflict, as it had already happened in history?

Don’t you see that we finally have to think about our own safety? Perhaps it is time that we engage in the negotiation process and take a closer look at the general situation in Hungary. These are all questions demanding answers. Today.

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Prime minister Viktor Orbán and Fidesz-CDPP party led by him continue exaggerating a narrative of protection of the Hungarian ethnic minorities abroad.
The Hungarian diaspora, and particularly 150-thousand one in Ukraine, is considered by present Hungarian authorities not only as the lever of Budapest’s influence on the neighboring states, but also as a domestic policy factor. Playing this card to a great measure enabled Viktor Orbán to get win this April on the parliamentary elections in Hungary. Today, as far as the government cannot boast of economic achievements and increasing of social standards of living, in times of blanket attacks on peoples’ democratic rights and freedoms, which may entail sanctions from the EU, exploitation of the populist idea of the protection of rights of fellow nationals abroad is aimed at people’s distraction from internal problems by means of developing the image of Hungary’s enemy. Speaking about supposed oppressions of Hungarians abroad, the authorities try to play upon patriotic heart strings of their nationals and urge them to fight for the rights of fellow nationals abroad under their command. That is the manner of the Russian president Vladimir Putin, who became a role model for Orbán.
Aggressive rhetoric and rough pressure upon neighbors became the landmark of present Hungarian authorities. And now it is a turn of Ukraine to fall under virulent abuse after Slovakia and Romania. Recently we have witnessed another aggravation between Hungary and Ukraine regarding the so-called passport issue (previously they were inflicted by the language paragraph of the Law of Ukraine “On Education” and appointment of the “authorized minister” by Hungary, who should be responsible for the development of the Transcarpathian region of Ukraine – i.e. the territory belonging to other state).
Wide-scale hidden pasportization of Hungarians from among Ukrainian citizens was given a long-awaited publicity following YouTube video on delivery of the Hungarian passports to citizens of Ukraine in the Hungarian consulate in Berehovo (Transcarpathian region of Ukraine).
Instead of extinguishing the conflict in response to the justified demands from Ukraine to cease outraged violations of Ukrainian laws (the dual citizenship is forbidden in Ukraine) Budapest decided to heighten tensions. Foreign Minister of Hungary Peter Siyarto accused the Ukrainian party of fostering anti-Hungarian spirits in society, considered video lawful and threatened to slow down European integration of Ukraine (earlier Viktor Orbán’s cabinet has already blocked a meeting of the NATO-Ukraine Commission). Such a response confirms once again Hungary’s abuse of membership in EU and NATO. Moreover, through their nonconstructive behavior Hungarian authorities try to involve the above-mentioned organizations in the conflict with Ukraine.
Inflating the farfetched problem of oppression of Transcarpathian Hungarians by Ukraine, Viktor Orbán and his office pursue distraction of attention of their nationals from miscalculations in policy towards foreign Hungarians.
The actual situation strongly differs from what Budapest wishes to present. Having relied on “soft power”, and actually – on bribery of Transcarpathian Hungarians, the government (which promotes programs of small business funding, education exceptionally in Hungarian, construction of infrastructure and community facilities) reckons on loyalty of local community on future elections and holding ethnic Hungarians of Transcarpathia within the present territory of accommodation.
However, having squandered tens of millions state budget euros for the last years Budapest has not obtained desirable effect. On the contrary, the main result of such PR-policy was critical reduction of Hungarian population in Ukraine, at the same time the rest were marginalized.
After they had received the Hungarian passports, Hungarians of Transcarpathia (by the way, people of active age, who obtained profession and education), moved to Hungary. However, by no means all of them remained in Hungary, a great part moved from European, but nonetheless poor country, to more successful countries of the European Union.
Reduction of a number of ethnic Hungarians (not only in the Transcarpathian region of Ukraine, but also in other neighboring states) called into question claims of Budapest and intention of Viсtor Orban’s government to fight for strengthening of the Hungarian influence. Thus, there is no recourse for present Hungarian authorities in their attempt to avoid the responsibility for aftermaths of their populist policy towards the Hungarian ethnic minority as an element of domestic policy, but to strengthen the aggressive radical rhetoric promoting reinforcement of xenophobic spirits in the Hungarian society and to resort to frankly unfriendly actions in relation to Ukraine in the EU and NATO.

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Prior to parliamentary elections of 2018, the Fidesz Party led by Prime Minister Viktor Orbán competed with Jobbik Party in erecting as many monuments as possible to dictator Horthy (who supported the union with Germany during the WWII and occupied the Carpathian Ukraine in 1939). Those Hungarians having dual citizenship and living abroad received the letters in the name of Mr. Orbán calling them to register on the voting Internet platform “to determine the fate and the future of the states of the Carpathian basin”.

It seems that votes of the Transcarpathian Hungarians who keep Ukrainian, Hungarian, and sometimes even Russian passports in one drawer are rather valuable for ruling Hungarian Fidesz party. Viktor Orbán and his colleagues are ready to give budgetary support to a great many of public organizations or scientific institutions, not only Transcarpathian, against these votes.

These two forces still compete to turn citizens of Ukraine of the Hungarian origin into their additional resource in political struggle for the power. The present Prime Minister uses an issue of Transcarpathian Hungarians to maintain rating, being afraid of opponents from Jobbik to seize an initiative. Such support of ruling party by foreign Hungarians is very generously funded from the state budget, which in turn attracts financing from the EU budget.

Funds allocated for the support of some Hungarian organizations in Ukraine show that Fidesz knows well enough the importance of “buying” sympathies of foreign Hungarians. In particular, the government Resolution of 27.12.2017 No. 2061 “On Allocation of Grants to Some Foreign Organizations” in support of programs and activity of the foreign Hungarian organizations provides for the lump sum of 33,4 billion forints (above 103 billion euro). The major part of it – 2,54 billion forints (above 7 billion euro) would be assigned to support the Hungarian organizations of Transcarpathia. Hence Transcarpathia Hungarian Institute charity foundation received 2,2 billion forints (about 6,7 billion euro), while Society of the Hungarian Culture of Transcarpathia – 340 million forints (above 1 billion euro). In addition, in 2018 Budapest allocated 1 billion forints (about 3 billion euro) for implementation of “2018 – Year of Foreign Hungarian Families” program that provides support for the enterprises, healthcare institutions, trainings and organization of camps.

In chase of foreign electorate Fidesz representatives resort even to more interesting innovations. For example, the government of Hungary adopted a Resolution of 02.01.18 No. 457 amending the Law XLV of 1994 “On military care” that entitles the foreign Hungarians including those living in Transcarpathia to compensations for relatives of the Hungarian servicemen who were seriously injured or died, particularly during the WWII.

In this context, the prerequisites to be met by foreign Hungarians to receive additional funds from the Hungarian budget are more than illustrative! Compensation claimants are actually required to prove that their immediate family (spouses, parents, brothers) served in Royal Hungarian Army and died during military operations – from March, 1939 to October, 1944 (during the Hungarian occupation of Transcarpathia). This means they shall find and bring to the Hungarian consulates in the territory of Ukraine quite controversial documents proving that their relatives served in the Hungarian army, which not only waged a war on the side of fascist Germany, occupied the Ukrainian lands, but also became famous for their brutal treatment of Ukrainians in occupied territories. Applications for compensation shall be served to Hungary consulates in Uzhhorod and Beregovo. The only document you require is certificate of the foreign Hungarian. In this case, you may be granted a monthly pension that is 30% of the minimum Hungarian pension.

All these facts show that, expressing such generosity to Hungarians of Transcarpathia and buying their votes, Orbán’s government does not hesitate to boost the coffers at the expense of EU budget. Taking into account “grants” to the Hungarian diaspora, the European taxpayer helps Viktor Orbán to stay in power and pays his populism.

In his turn, Viktor Orbán aptly uses EU democratic institutes in his mercenary interests. He does not hesitate to manipulate the issues, which are sensitive for the European Union, for example, migrant situation, makes advances to Russia, opposing prolongation of sanctions, and puts pressure upon Ukraine, putting on the stake progress rate of their EU and NATO accession. Perhaps in such a manner he wants to draw attention of the power players and escape political isolation.

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Approximately this time 79 years ago German dictator Adolf Hitler and his Soviet associate Joseph Stalin divided Poland. The “Axis” states at that time have already occupied Albania, Ethiopia, Czechoslovakia and Austria. A part of the European states, particularly Hungary, became the allies of Hitlerite expansion voluntarily. Those days’ Hungarian governor, admiral Miklós Horthy, as a token of gratitude to his German allies became one of the promoters of a large-scale slaughter on the European continent that resulted in joint invasion into Yugoslavia with Hitler in April 1941. Well, owing to Germany’s intervention and by force of the 1938 Vienna arbitration Hungary received a part of Slovakia and the Transcarpathian Ukraine – it is worth the gratitude.

One would ask, what is the purpose of this historical insight? The thing is today we may witness another revanchism ideas propagation in the Central Europe. One of its driving forces is Hungary led by Prime Minister Viktor Orbán. Skillful speculations in the ideas of an expansive imperialism enabled Mr. Orbán to hold the highest post in the state repeatedly after defeat in 2002 when he aspired to concentrate the main levers for controlling economy. In 2010 Fidezs party and their allies got majority in parliament and immediately proceeded to the constitutional reforms. They started clericalisation of the state, forbade abortions and same-sex marriages, adopted a number of laws which complicated life to Gipsies. In their actions the party in power could even surpass sometimes confirmed nationalists such as Jobbik party. On the back of such spirits a national holiday was declared on 4 June – “National Unity Day” commemorating the Treaty of Trianon of 1920. That time Hungary lost a considerable part of their lands, which passed to neighboring states. After Orbán’s come back to power, the state officially changed its name. Now it is called Hungary instead of “the Hungarian Republic” which means that the Hungarian community unites not only the Hungarians living within the territory of the state, but also those behind its borders.

Regardless of his pro-Hungarian nationalist spirit, Viktor Orbán is nevertheless an ordinary goopy politician and officer. Supported by his environment he speculates in revanchist anti-European ideas prevailing in the Hungarian society. When there is no bread, people should be given circuses. Hence, Mr. Orbán juggles with the ideas of “Great Hungary” and reunion of split nation. In 2009, addressing ethnic Hungarians in Slovakia, he called them state-building community, humiliating thereby Slovaks. As a matter of a fact, you should not expect crossing the border of some of the adjacent states and proceeding to its conquest by Hungarian troops tomorrow or in a week. Currently the confrontation is taking place on the diplomatic level.

Today the Hungarian government chose the weakest neighbor as the victim of “expansion” – Ukraine that has been resisting to Russia’s invasion in their eastern regions for nearly five years. Meanwhile the Hungarian government issues the passports to residents of Transcarpathian (Zakarpattya) region of Ukraine under the seal of secrecy that is quite indicative fact. The recent one is the case of Beregovo city, which even compelled the Ukrainian Ministry of Foreign Affairs to expel the Hungarian consul from there. However, the territory is a little interesting to Hungarians, who are interested in people. The economic situation in Hungary is far from being perfect. High prices and low wages force Hungarians to look for the employment in neighboring states or to migrate further westwards. Issuing passports to Ukrainians allows at least partially compensate deficiency of manpower. Well, what is wrong about it? Involvement of manpower from neighboring states is not a know-how.

Yet such a policy of “turning a blind eyes” or “appeasement of an aggressor” has already led to a new redraw of the European borders initiated by modern Russian dictator Vladimir Putin in 2014. His messages were quite identical: Crimea annexation – as far as many people have Russian passports there, war in the east of Ukraine – as far as ethnic Russians live there. By the way, Viktor Orbán supports lifting sanctions from Russia imposed in response to their aggressive foreign policy. On the other side, he demands from Ukraine granting more autonomy and rights to the Transcarpathian Hungarians. At the same time, Hungary actively opposes Ukrainian efforts of EU and NATO integration.

We should also point out that Hungary is not the only state with strong anti-European spirits. Having such an example, other states are also highly probable to follow the same way. Thus the whole Europe may fall into mutual recriminations and appeals to revision of frontiers. Do not console yourself with illusory hopes that membership in international organizations such as NATO and EU may somehow interfere with such processes in the majority of the European states. At Horthy times, Hungary was a member of League of Nations, though it did not stop them from the expansion against their neighbors. However, yet in 1942 Horthy realised hopelessness of war and entered into secret negotiations with Allies. Therefore, we may only rely on rational mind of present Hungarian governor and his ability to diminish imperial ambitions under pressure of the European community.

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In the context of continuing Russia aggression in the east of Ukraine, which proceeds to a chronic stage, events on its western borders remain in a relative shadow. Unfortunately, they are far from being conflict-free! While the eastern neighbor has visited Ukrainian territory on tanks, the Western prefer the soft force, money and manipulating sentiments. Though Hungary’s actions can be hardly referred to as impetuous, declarations and behavior of its officials give no grounds to doubt that western neighbors of Ukraine are always ready to use its internal and external problems.

The latest reason for concern was an appointment of the authorized Hungarian representative in Transcarpathia – the government’s representative who is responsible for development of the Ukrainian territory. The mere title of the position leads to a question whether that is an intervention in internal affairs of the sovereign state and in literal sense a step over the boundaries of peace neighborliness?

Whatever representations Hungarians have made with regard to sincerity of their intentions to develop Transcarpathia region and to support the ethnic Hungarians residing there, little by little Hungary interferes in affairs which by default fall under the scope of the sovereign state’s competence. Thus, the Hungarian parliament made an express stand against education act adopted by Ukraine in support of their language. The document provides for the protection mechanisms of Ukrainian by using it as basic language during school educational process without limitation to ethnic minorities. According to this law, beginning from the 5th form children of ethnic minorities shall study in Ukrainian, and learn their native language as a separate discipline. However, studying some disciplines in languages of EU states is not excluded.

Budapest has not only distorted the very meaning of the Ukrainian Act, having accused Ukraine, but even issued a resolution on this matter. The Hungarian parliament in its decision claimed that the Education Act outlaws all schools, higher education institutions and professional technical institutions which provide education in Hungarian. That is obvious and deliberate distortion of the Act. Also, deputies of the National Assembly of Hungary declare that educational process in languages of minorities becomes impossible though the Education Act provides for teaching several subjects in foreign languages, including Hungarian and Romanian.

The first meeting of Prime Minister Orban’s Government following the elections was marked by the adoption of the Memorandum on the Protection of the Transcarpathian Hungarians. The document was sent to the leaders of all NATO member states and the Secretary General of Alliance. In the memorandum the Hungarian government suggests NATO member states to consider “the problems of ethnic minorities in Ukraine related to the Ukrainian laws”.

To this end, manipulations by Euro-Atlantic aspirations of Ukraine are used as well. For instance, Foreign Minister of Hungary Peter Szijjártó emphasized that Hungary will not support rapprochement of Ukraine with NATO unless Kiev “stops encroachments upon the Hungarian minority”. In support of this statement Budapest proceeded to blocking up organisation of the Ukraine-NATO Commission’s meeting.

What are then the reasons for so strong counteraction of Hungarians to the implementation of such basic right as using of a state language in education by Ukraine?

Primarily, all this actions creates prerequisites for the probable scenario of stirring autonomist intentions in Transcarpathia region. Hungarian officials deny such charges in every possible way, though contribution of the Hungarian nationalists can be traced at the informal level, as long as they call certain regions of Ukraine their territory.

Secondly, at the latest parliamentary elections Hungary’s ‘passport policy’ in Ukraine provided support of ethnic Hungarians to Fidesz party, which expresses more and more Euroskeptical spirits. Modern Hungarian elites, similarly to those in Russia with their “Russian World” project, try to revive previous regional influence of the Austro-Hungarian Empire by means of ethnic Hungarians and pro-Hungarian public organizations, advancing the ideas of Hungarian autonomies within the territory of other states.

Perhaps such similarity of imperial aspirations and purposes allows Hungarians to perceive Russia as such “strategic partner” which can facilitate “restoration of historical justice” for quite insignificant concessions from the Hungarian side, and help Hungarians to reunite or even to return some lands.

If Budapest achieves their purposes and the Ukrainian Education Act will get amendments for their benefit, Transcarpathia in the nearest future will be completely madiarised and will lose language and cultural ties with a maternal part of Ukraine. Such approach perfectly meets the Russian plans for the partition of the Ukrainian lands.

By all means, Moscow encourages the Hungarian expansion to Transcarpathia not for nothing. They have repeatedly used Budapest for pressure upon Kiev. In 2015 after Mr. Orban’s visit to Moscow official Budapest refused to resell the Russian gas to Ukraine. At the same time Mr. Orban makes conciliatory declarations about the conflict in Donbas, levelling Russia’s participation in the armed conflict. Avoiding mentioning sanctions, he on the contrary calls to conciliation with an aggressor in exchange for economic sops, causing disruption of international law and order.

As a result, Ukraine appears between two states which prepare a ground for reconstruction of their ‘great empires’ of previous centuries upon the unspoken consent of the EU leaders. And if one of them makes it in the way of uncovered aggression, then another uses to this end covert and short, though not less decisive steps.

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In the midst of increasing political and economic pressure on Russia due to its aggressive expansionist policy the position of some European states, the leaders of which declare unequivocally their dissent from such Brussels’s policy, seems to be quite strange.

Hungary takes active part in lobbying lifting sanctions against Russia, which not only maintains top-level close ties with Russia, but also works for extending cooperation. Specific relationships between Budapest and Moscow are proven by the fact that Hungary became the only European state visited by Putin twice for the last half-a-year.

Frankly pro-Russian position of the Hungarian authorities has quite prosaic reasoning. Hungary depends heavily on supply of Russian energy products. In addition, Moscow peps up quite effectively (through financial means) the interest of Hungary in maintaining close friendly relations. Kremlin’s decision to provide Budapest with credit in the amount of 12 billion euro for construction of the Paks II Nuclear Power Plant serves as the striking example. The amount is quite impressive, isn’t it? The start of the construction with direct involvement of Russian companies is scheduled for January 2018. This scale project will afford Russia not only tie the operation of Hungary nuclear power plant to them and create additional workplaces for their citizens, but also market the technologies in the field of nuclear energy at European level. Obviously, in consideration of the economic support, Kremlin reckons on the Budapest’s loyalty in the issues of foreign policy and lobbying of Russia’s interests on the international scene, particularly in the issue of lifting sanctions.

Moscow not only buys Budapest for credits, but also efficiently uses historical claims of Hungary and growing revanchist spirits inside the state. Current Hungarian authorities have repeatedly declared their intention to turn the lands inhabited by ethnic Hungarians to the “parent body”. This fact unites Hungary and Russia.

Budapest does not transmit such ideas internationally, though they keep stirring up the idea of “Great Hungary” within the state attempting to attract the voters. Similarly to Moscow, in pursuing their aims they stake on strengthening the ties between Hungarians living abroad and their historical Motherland. Certainly, there’s nothing wrong that Hungarian authorities supports in every possible way and provide funds for public organisations, educational projects, infrastructure and medicine development, etc. at the areas of their compact settlement abroad. At the same time the fact that Hungary actively uses the ethnic factor not only for inviting workforce to the state, but also as one of the Budapest’s impact tools on bordering states competes attention. In this context the dual citizenship policy promoted by Hungarian authorities (it happens sometimes that issue of Hungarian passports rises to 100 thousand per month) cannot but cause concern of the authorities of neighboring states. Setting the pension registration mechanism for those citizens living abroad, Budapest gave an impetus to this process which resulted in aggressive growth of the number of ethnic Hungarians who have dual citizenship in Romania, Slovakia, Ukraine and Serbia.

All this happens amidst the growth of extreme right, pro-Russian and Euro-skeptic spirits as well as the government’s support of nationalistic Hungarian organisations abroad. Hungarian nationalists are the primary driving force for the implementation of the idea of “Great Hungary”. Particularly, they are actively committed to granting Hungarians the autonomy within the areas of their compact settlement in Ukrainian Zakarpattia, Székelyföld in Romanian Transylvania, Danube regions of Slovakia, Vojvodina in Serbia. Hungarian imperial ambitions stirring up by Kremlin, as well as growing autonomist aspirations among the Hungarian minority aggravate the outlined negative trends in the EU (British Brexit, reinforcement of the Rights in France and recent Catalonian demarche).

With due account for these conditions, as well as for Kremlin’s involvement into the destructive actions focused on disruption of the EU and NATO unity, the friendship between Budapest and Moscow does not seem to be so harmless.

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